A
`GLOBAL PARTNERSHIP' is being launched by the Group of Eight
(G-8) nations to prevent the purveyors of terror from
seizing or acquiring weapons of mass destruction. The broad
band of such an elitist `global partnership' defines the
prospective fight against almost all conceivable aspects of
nuclear blackmail by the operational terrorist groups and
also their state-sponsors, if any. The G-8 caucus links an
economically troubled Russia with the world's seven rich
countries. From the club's standpoint of power politics, it
is not enough if the intended anti-terror injunction were to
cover just the acquisition of mass-destructive weapons,
which themselves may range from nuclear devices and
radioactive "dirty bombs" at one level to chemical
ingredients or biological agents at another. On a related
political plane, the truly ambitious anti-terror campaign
will be designed to nullify any attempt by non-state actors
and by their alleged state-patrons to acquire missiles that
could be used to deliver such warheads. Overall, what is
sought to be curbed is the perceived terrorist overdrive in
many directions. Significantly, the G-8 leaders have spelt
out their determination to deny the networks of terror and
their suspected state-promoters any access to the knowhow as
also the materials needed to make and use mass-destructive
weapons.
An
initiative of such intricate proportions was successfully
piloted by the United States at the G-8 summit in Canada
last week. As the elite club includes all but China among
the original and exclusive coterie of five military powers
with nuclear arsenals, the G-8's new agenda of
`non-proliferation' marks a forward shift in strategic
politics across the world. The U.S.-guided `partnership'
seems to be of `global' reach on two counts that were
outlined at the summit. To begin with, the G-8 countries
will coordinate efforts among themselves so as to address
the issue of nuclear non-proliferation anywhere in the world
with the specific purpose of countering terrorism.
Gradually, however, the eight major powers intend to co-opt
other key countries, perhaps China as also India, to give a
greater thrust to the movement against nuclear terrorism.
Not surprisingly, in this context, the G-8 leaders,
inclusive of those from the U.S. and the U.K. as also France
and Germany besides Japan, have specifically "agreed
that Pakistan must put a permanent stop to terrorist
activity originating from (the) territory under its
control". Given that the terrorist menace which
emanates from Pakistani territory is driven by an anti-India
agenda, the G-8 has called upon both Islamabad and New Delhi
to "commit (themselves) to a sustained dialogue on the
underlying issues that divide them".
With
the U.S. according primacy to the anti-terror issue in the
face of several other critical concerns, the "global
partnership" has emerged against a backdrop of
proactive diplomacy by Washington itself. A $20-billion fund
is sought to be raised to help identifiable countries
protect their nuclear arsenals or materials and their
technical knowhow about various forms of mass-destructive
weapons from predatory raids, including any pilferage, by
the various terrorist groups or their presumptive
state-sponsors. The U.S. itself will contribute $10 billions
over a 10-year period, and Russia will be the first
beneficiary of this fund. In the context of G-8 summitry,
Washington has sought to cast the anti-terror net wide by
adding the Babbar Khalsa and the International Sikh Youth
Federation to its list of "specially designated global
terrorist entities". While the U.S. has been able to
evolve a G-8 consensus on anti-terror issues and economic
assistance to an impoverished Africa, Washington's latest
bid to dictate a `peace' agenda with reference to the
Palestinians has not had much resonance within the G-8
forum.