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Pakistan:
Who’s Afraid of the Referendum?

While
Pakistan continues to reel under problems—some recent,
others inherent in its history—the subject of immediate
focus is the referendum called by General Pervez Musharraf to
stay in power.
Amidst
the din of opinions some favouring the referendum, others
opposing it, emerge some statements on the present and future
shape of things to come. Such statements could be made with
reasonable certainty. One. There is a fair possibility of
General Pervez Musharraf staying in power for five years. Two.
That the military is going to be involved constitutionally.
Three. That the central issue in Pakistan is not so much about
policy and programmes but is about power. Four. That
politicians are generally corrupt, and that the army in
Pakistan is interventionist. Five. That there are bound to be
controversies around the referendum. Six. That the truth of
the saying “POLITICS IS THE SOLDIER’S CURSE” is going to
be felt palpably by the General against his pulses. And the
dictum “ LET HIM RULE WHO CAN” though applicable to the
subcontinent during the dark ages when governments were
established by the sword is only regressively valid today.
And
more:
That
the General will continue to wear two hats since he is both
President and Chief of Army Staff (COAS).
That
the President, General Pervez Musharraf, would become
all-powerful to the detriment of parliament after the October
polls.
That
the referendum is the General’s primrose path to perpetuate
stay in power or perhaps a justified path to continue and
protect his policies and programmes.
That
a system is being created in Pakistan where an elected prime
minister should not be powerful enough to challenge the
traditional power centres.
That
the General would face the same contradictions as his
predecessors though he wants consciously to avoid the tag
FARCICAL from being tacked to the referendum exercise. “I am
neither Ayub nor Zia.I will put a direct question to the
people: whether they want me or not for the next five
years?” The General is reported to have said.
Yet
this referendum is bound to invite ridicule as well as
condemnation from quarters within and without. Major political
parties including the PPP, PML (N), ANP and Jamaat-e-Islami
among others have rejected the referendum proposal. Western
criticism of the General’s tinkering with democracy, though
mute so far, is bound to surface and become incisive in the
days to come. Commonwealth secretary-general, Don McKinnon,
described the referendum as “ a device used in the past by a
former military leader in Pakistan to extend his term in
office.”
Comparison
with Zimbabwe’s Mugabe may look far-fetched at the moment
“but Pakistan under Musharraf would become looking more
suspect” it is increasingly felt in knowledgeable circles.
A
report by the Brussels based International Crisis Group (ICG)
is significant.
“Far
from being besieged by Islamic extremists, Pakistan’s
military government has carefully used that phenomenon as an
essential tool to justify its hold on power, improve its
standing with the West, and resist restoring secular democracy
and as a tactical means to advance its goals in both
Afghanistan and Kashmir.”
The
report also notes what it calls the symbiotic relationship
between Pakistan’s military and security services and
Islamic extremists in recent years as well as the country’s
generals to maintain their institution’s central role in
political life.
It
is equally certain that there are perils and pitfalls ahead.
That, according to one internal opinion, “with a strong
opposition in and outside the assembly, such a sham scheme of
democracy is not going to work.” (Opinion piece by Imtiaz
Alam in The News of April 1). And again, “by adopting
General Zia’s structural course, if not ideology, General
Musharraf has diminished the hope he had created to build a
liberal and moderate Pakistan
that could have only been done by taking a democratic
course.”
There
is no dearth of sane and rational voices among the
intelligentsia. Asks the same opinion piece:
“And
yet will we have the moral courage to demand right to
self-determination for the Kashmiris and compare ourselves
with the republican India after having lost our own right to
determine our fate?”
Yet
another viewpoint would advice Pakistanis of all hues and
shades to build a consensus around the one point on which
there is complete unanimity namely “that never again should
there be another military take –over and this should be
Pakistan’s last military regime…”
Such
voices gain significance against a geopolitical scenario that
leaves little scope for further instability in Pakistan. The
American troops build-up in the region, we are told, has
reached 80,000, while close to a million Pakistani and Indian
troops face each other across their borders. Opinion in
Pakistan press suggests bold and imaginative measures among
which “is a unilateral withdrawal of the bulk of our
(Pakistani) troops from the international border to their
peacetime locations, with some troops being sent into the
tribal areas to reinforce the current efforts to seal the
border against infiltration by al-Qaeda and Taliban
adherents.”
It
might be added here that the war against terrorism could be
close to entering Pakistani territory. The rigmarole of a
referendum ought, therefore, to be seen against the backdrop
of Musharraf’s weakened will against the militants, a
growing menace of sectarian violence and a geopolitical scene
that is perhaps beginning to make the General desperate.
In
an interview to a German magazine the General reportedly
“threatened India with the atom bomb” in the event of war
over Kashmir. The threat is an empty rhetoric meant to boost
his own sagging morale or to nudge an alarmist West to fall in
with his experiments with democracy.
General
Pervez Musharraf would do well to heed the voice of reason
even if it sounds too philosophic to his soldier’s ears.
Fortunately there is no paucity of enlightened opinion within
the Pakistani press.
“Justice,
rationality, competence and fair play constitute that brand of
power which invests politicians and state apparatus with what
gives them the ultimate staying power—legitimacy…the rest
is all castles constructed on quicksand…”
Imagine
the deviation when such ideal standards are brought to bear
upon the affairs of a present-day Pakistan that has become a
seething cauldron of anarchy and violence.
President
Musharraf would do equally well to draw lessons from the
wisdom of past politicians. A former prime minister of
Pakistan has valuable insights of everyday use scattered in
the pages of his book From Memory. Says Noon:
“The
danger in giving life tenure to persons in high office is that
there is no way of getting rid of them…
“The
public get tired of a man, no matter how good, after a lapse
of a certain period.
“No
man is infallible and the longer he lasts in office the more
people he displeases.
“Nations
may achieve freedom quickly, but they need decades of freedom
before they have the quality of remaining free.”
From
history, we are told that Ata Turk (Kemal Ataturk) made big
achievements in the first two years of his rule.
Thereafter public enthusiasm waned.
Well,
truths don’t have to be shouted at people in order to carry
complete conviction.
New
Delhi, April 8,2002.
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