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To
Young
Political
Workers
[Written
on
February
2,
1931,
this
document
is a
sort
of
behest
to
young
political
workers
of
India.
At
that
time
the
talk
of
some
sort
of
compromise
between
the
Congress
and
the
British
Government
was
in
the
air.
Through
this
document
Bhagat
Singh
explained
as to
when
a
compromise
is
permissible
and
when
it is
not.
He
also
made
out
that
the
way
Congress
is
conducting
the
movement
it
was
bound
to
end
in
some
sort
of
compromise.
After
analysing
to
the
conditions
then
prevailing,
he
finally
advised
the
youth
to
adopt
Marxism
as
the
ideology,
work
among
the
people,
organize
workers
and
peasants
and
form
the
Communist
Party.
After
Bhagat
Singh's
execution
this
document
was
published
in a
mutilated
form.
All
references
to
Soviet
Union,
Marx,
Lenin
and
the
Communist
Party
were
carefully
deleted.
Subsequently,
the
GOI
published
it in
one
of
its
secret
reports
in
1936.
A
photostat
copy
of
the
full
report
is
preserved
in
the
library
of
the
Martyrs'
Memorial
and
Freedom
Struggle
Research
Centre
at
Lucknow.]
To
The
Young
Political
Workers.
Dear
Comrades
Our
movement
is
passing
through
a
very
important
phase
at
present.
After
a
year's
fierce
struggle
some
definite
proposals
regarding
the
constitutional
reforms
have
been
formulated
by
the
Round
Table
Conference
and
the
Congress
leaders
have
been
invited
to
give
this
* . .
.
think
it
desirable
in
the
present
circumstances
to
call
off
their
movement.
Whether
they
decide
in
favour
or
against
is a
matter
of
little
importance
to
us.
The
present
movement
is
bound
to
end
in
some
sort
of
compromise.
The
compromise
may
be
effected
sooner
or
later.
And
compromise
is
not
such
ignoble
and
deplorable
an
thing
as we
generally
think.
It is
rather
an
indispensable
factor
in
the
political
strategy.
Any
nation
that
rises
against
the
oppressors
is
bound
to
fail
in
the
beginning,
and
to
gain
partial
reforms
during
the
medieval
period
of
its
struggle
through
compromises.
And
it is
only
at
the
last
stage
-
having
fully
organized
all
the
forces
and
resources
of
the
nation
-
that
it
can
possibly
strike
the
final
blow
in
which
it
might
succeed
to
shatter
the
ruler's
government.
But
even
then
it
might
fail,
which
makes
some
sort
of
compromise
inevitable.
This
can
be
best
illustrated
by
the
Russian
example.
In
1905
a
revolutionary
movement
broke
out
in
Russia.
All
the
leaders
were
very
hopeful.
Lenin
had
returned
from
the
foreign
countries
where
he
had
taken
refuge.
He
was
conducting
the
struggle.
People
came
to
tell
him
that
a
dozen
landlords
were
killed
and a
score
of
their
mansions
were
burnt.
Lenin
responded
by
telling
them
to
return
and
to
kill
twelve
hundred
landlords
and
burn
as
many
of
their
palaces.
In
his
opinion
that
would
have
meant
something
if
revolution
failed.
Duma
was
introduced.
The
same
Lenin
advocated
the
view
of
participating
in
the
Duma.
This
is
what
happened
in
1907.
In
1906
he
was
opposed
to
the
participation
in
this
first
Duma
which
had
granted
more
scope
of
work
than
this
second
one
whose
rights
had
been
curtailed.
This
was
due
to
the
changed
circumstances.
Reaction
was
gaining
the
upper
hand
and
Lenin
wanted
to
use
the
floor
of he
Duma
as a
platform
to
discuss
socialist
ideas.
Again
after
the
1917
revolution,
when
the
Bolsheviks
were
forced
to
sign
the
Brest
Litovsk
Treaty,
everyone
except
Lenin
was
opposed
to
it.
But
Lenin
said:
"Peace".
"Peace
and
again
peace:
peace
at
any
cost-even
at
the
cost
of
many
of
the
Russian
provinces
to be
yielded
to
German
War
Lord".
When
some
anti-Bolshevik
people
condemned
Lenin
for
this
treaty,
he
declared
frankly
that
the
Bolsheviks
were
not
in a
position
to
face
to
German
onslaught
and
they
preferred
the
treaty
to
the
complete
annihilation
of
the
Bolshevik
Government.
The
thing
that
I
wanted
to
point
out
was
that
compromise
is an
essential
weapon
which
has
to be
wielded
every
now
and
then
as
the
struggle
develops.
But
the
thing
that
we
must
keep
always
before
us is
the
idea
of
the
movement.
We
must
always
maintain
a
clear
notion
as to
the
aim
for
the
achievement
of
which
we
are
fighting.
That
helps
us to
verify
the
success
and
failures
of
our
movements
and
we
can
easily
formulate
the
future
programme.
Tilak's
policy,
quite
apart
from
the
ideal
i.e.
his
strategy,
was
the
best.
You
are
fighting
to
get
sixteen
annas
from
your
enemy,
you
get
only
one
anna.
Pocket
it
and
fight
for
the
rest.
What
we
note
in
the
moderates
is of
their
ideal.
They
start
to
achieve
on
anna
and
they
can't
get
it.
The
revolutionaries
must
always
keep
in
mind
that
they
are
striving
for a
complete
revolution.
Complete
mastery
of
power
in
their
hands.
Compromises
are
dreaded
because
the
conservatives
try
to
disband
the
revolutionary
forces
after
the
compromise
from
such
pitfalls.
We
must
be
very
careful
at
such
junctures
to
avoid
any
sort
of
confusion
of
the
real
issues
especially
the
goal.
The
British
Labour
leaders
betrayed
their
real
struggle
and
have
been
reduced
to
mere
hypocrite
imperialists.
In my
opinion
the
diehard
conservatives
are
better
to us
than
these
polished
imperialist
Labour
leaders.
About
the
tactics
and
strategy
one
should
study
life-work
of
Lenin.
His
definite
views
on
the
subject
of
compromise
will
be
found
in
"Left
-
Wing"
Communism.
I
have
said
that
the
present
movement,
i.e.
the
present
struggle,
is
bound
to
end
in
some
sort
of
compromise
or
complete
failure.
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