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To
Young
Political
Workers
I
said
that,
because
in my
opinion,
this
time
the
real
revolutionary
forces
have
not
been
invited
into
the
arena.
This
is a
struggle
dependent
upon
the
middle
class
shopkeepers
and a
few
capitalists.
Both
these,
and
particularly
the
latter,
can
never
dare
to
risk
its
property
or
possessions
in
any
struggle.
The
real
revolutionary
armies
are
in
the
villages
and
in
factories,
the
peasantry
and
the
labourers.
But
our
bourgeois
leaders
do
not
and
cannot
dare
to
tackle
them.
The
sleeping
lion
once
awakened
from
its
slumber
shall
become
irresistible
even
after
the
achievement
of
what
our
leaders
aim
at.
After
his
first
experience
with
the
Ahmedabad
labourers
in
1920
Mahatma
Gandhi
declared:
"We
must
not
tamper
with
the
labourers.
It is
dangerous
to
make
political
use
of
the
factory
proletariat"
(The
Times,
May
1921).
Since
then,
they
never
dared
to
approach
them.
There
remains
the
peasantry.
The
Bardoli
resolution
of
1922
clearly
deines
the
horror
the
leaders
felt
when
they
saw
the
gigantic
peasant
class
rising
to
shake
off
not
only
the
domination
of an
alien
nation
but
also
the
yoke
of
the
landlords.
It is
there
that
our
leaders
prefer
a
surrender
to
the
British
than
to
the
peasantry.
Leave
alone
Pt.
Jawahar
lal.
Can
you
point
out
any
effort
to
organize
the
peasants
or
the
labourers?
No,
they
will
not
run
the
risk.
There
they
lack.
That
is
why I
say
they
never
meant
a
complete
revolution.
Through
economic
and
administrative
pressure
they
hoped
to
get a
few
more
reforms,
a few
more
concessions
for
the
Indian
capitalists.
That
is
why I
say
that
this
movement
is
doomed
to
die,
may
be
after
some
sort
of
compromise
or
even
without.
They
young
workers
who
in
all
sincerity
raise
the
cry
"Long
Live
Revolution",
are
not
well
organized
and
strong
enough
to
carry
the
movement
themselves.
As a
matter
of
fact,
even
our
great
leaders,
with
the
exception
of
perhaps
Pt.
Motilal
Nehru,
do
not
dare
to
take
any
responsibility
on
their
shoulders,
that
is
why
every
now
and
then
they
surrender
unconditionally
before
Gandhi.
In
spite
of
their
differences,
they
never
oppose
him
seriously
and
the
resolutions
have
to be
carried
for
the
Mahatma.
In
these
circumstances,
let
me
warn
the
sincere
young
workers
who
seriously
mean
a
revolution,
that
harder
times
are
coming.
Let
then
beware
lest
they
should
get
confused
or
disheartened.
After
the
experience
made
through
two
struggles
of
the
Great
Gandhi,
we
are
in a
better
position
to
form
a
clear
idea
of
our
present
position
and
the
future
programme.
Now
allow
me to
state
the
case
in
the
simplest
manner.
You
cry
"Long
Live
Revolution."
Let
me
assume
that
you
really
mean
it.
According
to
our
definition
of
the
term,
as
stated
in
our
statement
in
the
Assembly
Bomb
Case,
revolution
means
the
complete
overthrow
of
the
existing
social
order
and
its
replacement
with
the
socialist
order.
For
that
purpose
our
immediate
aim
is
the
achievement
of
power.
As a
matter
of
fact,
the
state,
the
government
machinery
is
just
a
weapon
in
the
hands
of
the
ruling
class
to
further
and
safeguard
its
interest.
We
want
to
snatch
and
handle
it to
utilise
it
for
the
consummation
of
our
ideal,
i.e.,
social
reconstruction
on
new,
i.e.,
Marxist,
basis.
For
this
purpose
we
are
fighting
to
handle
the
government
machinery.
All
along
we
have
to
educate
the
masses
and
to
create
a
favourable
atmosphere
for
our
social
programme.
In
the
struggles
we
can
best
train
and
educate
them.
With
these
things
clear
before
us,
i.e.,
our
immediate
and
ultimate
object
having
been
clearly
put,
we
can
now
proceed
with
the
examination
of
the
present
situation.
We
must
always
be
very
candid
and
quite
business-like
while
analysing
any
situation.
We
know
that
since
a hue
and
cry
was
raised
about
the
Indians'
participation
in
and
share
in
the
responsibility
of
the
Indian
government,
the
Minto-Morley
Reforms
were
introduced,
which
formed
the
Viceroy's
council
with
consultation
rights
only.
During
the
Great
War,
when
the
Indian
help
was
needed
the
most,
promises
about
self-government
were
made
and
the
existing
reforms
were
introduced.
Limited
legislative
powers
have
been
entrusted
to
the
Assembly
but
subject
to
the
goodwill
of
the
Viceroy.
Now
is
the
third
stage.
Now
reforms
are
being
discussed
and
are
to be
introduced
in
the
near
future.
How
can
our
young
men
judge
them?
This
is a
question;
I do
not
know
by
what
standard
are
the
Congress
leaders
going
to
judge
them.
But
for
us,
the
revolutionaries,
we
can
have
the
following
criteria:
1.
Extent
of
responsibility
transferred
to
the
shoulders
of
the
Indians.
2.
From
of
the
Government
institutions
that
are
going
to be
introduced
and
the
extent
of
the
right
of
participation
given
to
the
masses.
3.
Future
prospects
and
the
safeguards.
These
might
require
a
little
further
elucidation.
In
the
first
place,
we
can
easily
judge
the
extent
of
responsibility
given
to
our
people
by
the
control
our
representatives
will
have
on
the
executive.
Up
till
now,
the
executive
was
never
made
responsible
to
the
Legislative
Assembly
and
the
Viceroy
had
the
veto
power,
which
rendered
all
the
efforts
of
the
elected
members
futile.
Thanks
to
the
efforts
of
the
Swaraj
Party,
the
Viceroy
was
forced
every
now
and
then
to
use
these
extraordinary
powers
to
shamelessly
trample
the
solemn
decisions
of
the
national
representatives
under
foot.
It is
already
too
well
known
to
need
further
discussion.
Now
in
the
first
place
we
must
see
the
method
of
the
executive
formation:
Whether
the
executive
is to
be
elected
by
the
members
of a
popular
assembly
or is
to be
imposed
from
above
as
before,
and
further,
whether
it
shall
be
responsible
to
the
house
or
shall
absolutely
affront
it as
in
the
past?
As
regards
the
second
item,
we
can
judge
it
through
the
scope
of
franchise.
The
property
qualifications
making
a man
eligible
to
vote
should
be
altogether
abolished
and
universal
suffrage
be
introduced
instead.
Every
adult,
both
male
and
female,
should
have
the
right
to
vote.
At
present
we
can
simply
see
how
far
the
franchise
has
been
extended.
I may
here
make
a
mention
about
provincial
autonomy.
But
from
whatever
I
have
heard,
I can
only
say
that
the
Governor
imposed
from
above,
equipped
with
extraordinary
powers,
higher
and
above
the
legislative,
shall
prove
to be
no
less
than
a
despot.
Let
us
better
call
it
the
"provincial
tyranny"
instead
of
"autonomy."
This
is a
strange
type
of
democratisation
of
the
state
institutions.
The
third
item
is
quite
clear.
During
the
last
two
years
the
British
politicians
have
been
trying
to
undo
Montague's
promise
for
another
dole
of
reforms
to be
bestowed
every
ten
years
till
the
British
Tresury
exhausts.
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