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Garma
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Literature |
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Progressive Classical Period of Punjabi LiteratureBy Dr. Manzur Ejaz
These thinkers wanted to build a society that accurately represented the needs and aspirations of the oppressed masses. Consequently, they had to mount a challenge to the ruling classes (kings, emirs, viziers, rajas, etc.) and their allied civil bureaucracy in the metropolitan centres. The upper class in its prerogative, required at times religious unity as in the case of Akbar's Den-e-Ilahi, and at other times religious antagonism as in the case of Aurangzeb. The middle class segments, especially the civil bureaucracy, with differing elegance, as one source of legitimisation, needed the pressure of religious antagonism. Hence, they emphasized and preached the `truthfulness' of their respective religious beliefs. The mullahs and pundits with their emphasis on the formalism of their religious doctrines had the most appeal amongst middle classes. Both the upper and middle classes advanced their cause by exploiting the working masses. Obviously, it was necessary for the exploiting classes to promote and reinforce divisions among the masses so the latter could not unite on a common platform to challenge the privileged few. Given this milieu, the radical thinkers introduced the new ideas of struggle and resistance against exploitation. But these new ideas needed a medium of expression for popular appeal among masses. The folk language was this medium. As a result, the folk language and folk doctrine evolved hand in hand. Some critics might be sceptical to this conclusion because of their peculiar characterisation of these thinkers. Thus, it is necessary to correct the unfounded but widely held myths about the daily existence of these thinkers and their place in society. Contrary to the general myths, these thinkers had not retired to the seclusion of uninhibited jungles and did not practice occult for "healing" the superstitious masses to make a living. On the other hand they were well-versed in the traditional scholarship of their times and deliberately choose to stay close to major population and trade centres to keep abreast with events of their time. Shah Husain resided in Lahore; Bullhe Shah in Kasur; Waris Shah near Lahore and Kasur, both major cities; and Baba Farid in Pakpattan -- major trade route centre. Baba Nanak even served in the government for a while. In short, they were quite well-placed to be in the know of both the changing social conditions and ever changing strategies of the ruling elite. Within the context of time and in their own social mode, they played the same anti-establishment role as the Greek philosophers. The British because of their own reasons labelled these radical social elements as "spiritual" leaders and other-worldly personages. These thinkers were among the best known scholars of their times and by that virtue could have claimed high places in the ruling apparatuses. However, they were bent upon creating a new vision for the good of society and thus emerged the folk language and the folk doctrine. The birth of Punjabi language was intertwined with the emergence of popular mass ideology in the region. The articulation of new ideas of human equality and justice required the medium of expression that was commonly understood by the masses. The new symbols had to be taken from the folk life instead of the established Arabic-Persian diction. As a result the first period of the Punjabi literature can be categorized as a `Progressive Classical Period' which embodies the creation of a new language and a new ideology. This period starts with Baba Farid and ends with Waris Shah and Bulleh Shah. The other major poets of this period are Shah Husain and Guru Nanak. Baba Farid, a follower of the Chishti School, was the first to adopt Punjabi, the native folk language, as the linguistic medium of his poetry. He was followed by many Sufis and Sadhus. It should be pointed out that not all Sufis in the region, however, adopted this language of the people. Bahauddin Zakaria Multani, the representative par excellence of Suhrawardis, the other major Sufi school, for example not only restricted his writings to Persian and Arabic but also emphasized Sufi Formalism exclusively. The Suhrawardis were closely linked to the royal court, and believed in dynastic succession in their school in the style of royalty. The Sufis of Chishti School, on the other hand, participated in people's struggles and challenged the ideology of royal supremacy. It was these radical Sufis who laid the foundation and building blocks of a folk language for the expression of the mass ideology. Objectively, they felt this need since no other language could convey their message to masses effectively. These thinkers wanted to build a society that accurately represented the needs and aspirations of the oppressed masses. Consequently, they had to mount a challenge to the ruling classes (kings, emirs, viziers, rajas, etc.) and their allied civil bureaucracy in the metropolitan centres. The upper class in its prerogative, required at times religious unity as in the case of Akbar's Den-e-Ilahi, and at other times religious antagonism as in the case of Aurangzeb. The middle class segments, especially the civil bureaucracy, with differing elegance, as one source of legitimisation, needed the pressure of religious antagonism. Hence, they emphasized and preached the `truthfulness' of their respective religious beliefs. The mullahs and pundits with their emphasis on the formalism of their religious doctrines had the most appeal amongst middle classes. Both the upper and middle classes advanced their cause by exploiting the working masses. Obviously, it was necessary for the exploiting classes to promote and reinforce divisions among the masses so the latter could not unite on a common platform to challenge the privileged few. Given this milieu, the radical thinkers introduced the new ideas of struggle and resistance against exploitation. But these new ideas needed a medium of expression for popular appeal among masses. The folk language was this medium. As a result, the folk language and folk doctrine evolved hand in hand. Some critics might be sceptical to this conclusion because of their peculiar characterisation of these thinkers. Thus, it is necessary to correct the unfounded but widely held myths about the daily existence of these thinkers and their place in society. Contrary to the general myths, these thinkers had not retired to the seclusion of uninhibited jungles and did not practice occult for "healing" the superstitious masses to make a living. On the other hand they were well-versed in the traditional scholarship of their times and deliberately choose to stay close to major population and trade centres to keep abreast with events of their time. Shah Husain resided in Lahore; Bullhe Shah in Kasur; Waris Shah near Lahore and Kasur, both major cities; and Baba Farid in Pakpattan -- major trade route centre. Baba Nanak even served in the government for a while. In short, they were quite well-placed to be in the know of both the changing social conditions and ever changing strategies of the ruling elite. Within the context of time and in their own social mode, they played the same anti-establishment role as the Greek philosophers. The British because of their own reasons labelled these radical social elements as "spiritual" leaders and other-worldly personages. These thinkers were among the best known scholars of their times and by that virtue could have claimed high places in the ruling apparatuses. However, they were bent upon creating a new vision for the good of society and thus emerged the folk language and the folk doctrine. The birth of Punjabi language was intertwined with the emergence of popular mass ideology in the region. The articulation of new ideas of human equality and justice required the medium of expression that was commonly understood by the masses. The new symbols had to be taken from the folk life instead of the established Arabic-Persian diction. As a result the first period of the Punjabi literature can be categorized as a `Progressive Classical Period' which embodies the creation of a new language and a new ideology. This period starts with Baba Farid and ends with Waris Shah and Bulleh Shah. The other major poets of this period are Shah Husain and Guru Nanak. Baba Farid, a follower of the Chishti School, was the first to adopt Punjabi, the native folk language, as the linguistic medium of his poetry. He was followed by many Sufis and Sadhus. It should be pointed out that not all Sufis in the region, however, adopted this language of the people. Bahauddin Zakaria Multani, the representative par excellence of Suhrawardis, the other major Sufi school, for example not only restricted his writings to Persian and Arabic but also emphasized Sufi Formalism exclusively. The Suhrawardis were closely linked to the royal court, and believed in dynastic succession in their school in the style of royalty. The Sufis of Chishti School, on the other hand, participated in people's struggles and challenged the ideology of royal supremacy. It was these radical Sufis who laid the foundation and building blocks of a folk language for the expression of the mass ideology. Objectively, they felt this need since no other language could convey their message to masses effectively. These thinkers wanted to build a society that accurately represented the needs and aspirations of the oppressed masses. Consequently, they had to mount a challenge to the ruling classes (kings, emirs, viziers, rajas, etc.) and their allied civil bureaucracy in the metropolitan centres. The upper class in its prerogative, required at times religious unity as in the case of Akbar's Den-e-Ilahi, and at other times religious antagonism as in the case of Aurangzeb. The middle class segments, especially the civil bureaucracy, with differing elegance, as one source of legitimisation, needed the pressure of religious antagonism. Hence, they emphasized and preached the `truthfulness' of their respective religious beliefs. The mullahs and pundits with their emphasis on the formalism of their religious doctrines had the most appeal amongst middle classes. Both the upper and middle classes advanced their cause by exploiting the working masses. Obviously, it was necessary for the exploiting classes to promote and reinforce divisions among the masses so the latter could not unite on a common platform to challenge the privileged few. Given this milieu, the radical thinkers introduced the new ideas of struggle and resistance against exploitation. But these new ideas needed a medium of expression for popular appeal among masses. The folk language was this medium. As a result, the folk language and folk doctrine evolved hand in hand. Some critics might be sceptical to this conclusion because of their peculiar characterisation of these thinkers. Thus, it is necessary to correct the unfounded but widely held myths about the daily existence of these thinkers and their place in society. Contrary to the general myths, these thinkers had not retired to the seclusion of uninhibited jungles and did not practice occult for "healing" the superstitious masses to make a living. On the other hand they were well-versed in the traditional scholarship of their times and deliberately choose to stay close to major population and trade centres to keep abreast with events of their time. Shah Husain resided in Lahore; Bullhe Shah in Kasur; Waris Shah near Lahore and Kasur, both major cities; and Baba Farid in Pakpattan -- major trade route centre. Baba Nanak even served in the government for a while. In short, they were quite well-placed to be in the know of both the changing social conditions and ever changing strategies of the ruling elite. Within the context of time and in their own social mode, they played the same anti-establishment role as the Greek philosophers. The British because of their own reasons labelled these radical social elements as "spiritual" leaders and other-worldly personages. These thinkers were among the best known scholars of their times and by that virtue could have claimed high places in the ruling apparatuses. However, they were bent upon creating a new vision for the good of society and thus emerged the folk language and the folk doctrine. The birth of Punjabi language was intertwined with the emergence of popular mass ideology in the region. The articulation of new ideas of human equality and justice required the medium of expression that was commonly understood by the masses. The new symbols had to be taken from the folk life instead of the established Arabic-Persian diction. As a result the first period of the Punjabi literature can be categorized as a `Progressive Classical Period' which embodies the creation of a new language and a new ideology. This period starts with Baba Farid and ends with Waris Shah and Bulleh Shah. The other major poets of this period are Shah Husain and Guru Nanak. Baba Farid, a follower of the Chishti School, was the first to adopt Punjabi, the native folk language, as the linguistic medium of his poetry. He was followed by many Sufis and Sadhus. It should be pointed out that not all Sufis in the region, however, adopted this language of the people. Bahauddin Zakaria Multani, the representative par excellence of Suhrawardis, the other major Sufi school, for example not only restricted his writings to Persian and Arabic but also emphasized Sufi Formalism exclusively. The Suhrawardis were closely linked to the royal court, and believed in dynastic succession in their school in the style of royalty. The Sufis of Chishti School, on the other hand, participated in people's struggles and challenged the ideology of royal supremacy. It was these radical Sufis who laid the foundation and building blocks of a folk language for the expression of the mass ideology. Objectively, they felt this need since no other language could convey their message to masses effectively. These thinkers wanted to build a society that accurately represented the needs and aspirations of the oppressed masses. Consequently, they had to mount a challenge to the ruling classes (kings, emirs, viziers, rajas, etc.) and their allied civil bureaucracy in the metropolitan centres. The upper class in its prerogative, required at times religious unity as in the case of Akbar's Den-e-Ilahi, and at other times religious antagonism as in the case of Aurangzeb. The middle class segments, especially the civil bureaucracy, with differing elegance, as one source of legitimisation, needed the pressure of religious antagonism. Hence, they emphasized and preached the `truthfulness' of their respective religious beliefs. The mullahs and pundits with their emphasis on the formalism of their religious doctrines had the most appeal amongst middle classes. Both the upper and middle classes advanced their cause by exploiting the working masses. Obviously, it was necessary for the exploiting classes to promote and reinforce divisions among the masses so the latter could not unite on a common platform to challenge the privileged few. Given this milieu, the radical thinkers introduced the new ideas of struggle and resistance against exploitation. But these new ideas needed a medium of expression for popular appeal among masses. The folk language was this medium. As a result, the folk language and folk doctrine evolved hand in hand. Some critics might be sceptical to this conclusion because of their peculiar characterisation of these thinkers. Thus, it is necessary to correct the unfounded but widely held myths about the daily existence of these thinkers and their place in society. Contrary to the general myths, these thinkers had not retired to the seclusion of uninhibited jungles and did not practice occult for "healing" the superstitious masses to make a living. On the other hand they were well-versed in the traditional scholarship of their times and deliberately choose to stay close to major population and trade centres to keep abreast with events of their time. Shah Husain resided in Lahore; Bullhe Shah in Kasur; Waris Shah near Lahore and Kasur, both major cities; and Baba Farid in Pakpattan -- major trade route centre. Baba Nanak even served in the government for a while. In short, they were quite well-placed to be in the know of both the changing social conditions and ever changing strategies of the ruling elite. Within the context of time and in their own social mode, they played the same anti-establishment role as the Greek philosophers. The British because of their own reasons labelled these radical social elements as "spiritual" leaders and other-worldly personages. These thinkers were among the best known scholars of their times and by that virtue could have claimed high places in the ruling apparatuses. However, they were bent upon creating a new vision for the good of society and thus emerged the folk language and the folk doctrine.
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